概括

在中非关系中，非洲行为体具有主体性，这一点被一些研究所忽略。在不同层级上，非洲行动者均以重要的方式参与了对中国交往的谈判、塑造乃至驱动。比如，非洲政客和官僚采取利用不同大国在与非洲合作时展开的竞争，来为自己争取最大的经济援助和安全筹码；许多非洲执政党将中国援建的“形象工程”（大型体育场、总统府、新铁路）作为国内选举的重要政绩展示；当债务压力上升时，一些国家表现出强大的与中方协商债务展期、结构重组乃至减免债务的议价能力，逼迫中国金融机构不断调整对非放贷策略。非政府组织、商会、普通民众也具有能动性。

 

参考文献

Negotiating China: Reinserting African agency into China–Africa relations Get access Arrow

摘要：Most analyses of China’s renewed engagement with Africa treat China as the driving force, and little recognition is given to the role of African agency, especially beyond the level of state elites. This article investigates the extent of African agency in engagements with China and argues that at various levels African actors have negotiated, shaped, and even driven Chinese engagements in important ways. Suggesting a theoretical framework that captures agency both within and beyond the state, the article provides an empirical analysis of African agency first by showing how elements of the Angolan state created a hybrid set of institutions to broker Chinese investment projects, and second by discussing how African social actors have influenced and derived benefits from the activities of Chinese migrants in Ghana and Nigeria. While both cases demonstrate African agency, the ability of African actors to exercise such agency is highly uneven, placing African politics at the heart of any understanding of China–Africa relations.

主要内容：在不同层级上，非洲行动者均以重要的方式参与了对中国交往的谈判、塑造乃至驱动。安哥拉国家机构构建了一套混合型制度，以作为中资投资项目的撮合与管理平台；加纳和尼日利亚的非洲社会行动者如何影响中国移民的活动，并从中获取利益。

作者：Giles Mohan（The Open University）, Ben Lampert

来源：African Affairs

发表时间：2013

The Study of Agency in Africa–China Relations: The Case for Typologies

主要内容：传统的“国家”或“非国家”等宽泛分类过于笼统，无法充分解释不同非洲行为体在动机、行动方式和影响力上的差异。文章首先定义了“能动性”并非仅仅是被动反应，而是指在特定背景下，行为体为抵抗或改变限制性环境而采取的有预谋、有目标的社会或政治行动。基于此，文章构建了五种类型的能动性并应用于中非关系的具体情境中：总统能动性，指国家元首通过个人权威直接干预项目以推进特定利益，例如坦桑尼亚前总统马古富力曾直接暂停巴加莫约港项目以维护国家主权；行政能动性，指内阁部长等高级官员利用职位权力，通过战略话语和间接干预来行使能动性，例如一些国家领导人借用“中国模式”来使其无政治附加条件的政策合法化；官僚能动性，指中下层公务员在执行层面通过谈判合同细节、坚持本国法规等方式确保国家利益，例如埃塞俄比亚官员成功将中方的商业贷款利率谈判为优惠贷款；有组织的公民能动性，指由非政府组织、商会等正式组织通过游说、诉讼或商业联盟等方式发挥作用，例如津巴布韦的环保组织通过诉讼撤销了中资企业的采矿许可；以及半组织与非组织的公民能动性，指由普通民众、艺术家等通过抗议、讽刺等非正式方式表达不满，例如加纳漫画家通过作品批评中国商人在非法采矿中的角色。文章最后总结，非洲的能动性是多形态和多意图的，这种类型学方法有助于更深入地理解中非关系中权力结构的动态变化。

作者：Folashadé Soulé（University of Oxfor）（英国）

来源：Cambridge University Press

年份：2025

Africa and China: How Africans and Their Governments are Shaping Relations with China

主要内容：中非关系大多被描绘为中国国家和中国企业家掌控议程，非洲人及其政府作为被动行为者，几乎没有或没有行动力。本书探讨了非洲方面关系，展示非洲国家和非国家行为体如何日益影响中非伙伴关系，并由此开始塑造其经济和政治未来。公共和私营部门中国参与者在非洲大陆的涌入，带来了机遇与挑战的增加，本文旨在探讨这些问题。通过来自尼日利亚、安哥拉、肯尼亚、南非、埃塞俄比亚和赞比亚的案例研究，以及科技、自然资源、制造业和金融领域的案例研究，不仅展示了非洲现实如何塑造中国的行动，也展示了非洲各国政府和企业家如何利用其竞争优势，并与中国在大陆日益增长的影响力进行谈判。

编辑：Aleksandra W. Gadzala（Research Analyst at responsAbility Investments AG, and an Africa Region contributor to Oxford Analytica）

作者：

Lucy Corkin works at Rand Merchant Bank, a South African investment bank, and is a Research Associate of the Africa-Asia Centre, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

Joshua Eisenman（University of Texas at Austin’s Lyndon Baines Johnson School of Public Affairs，senior fellow for China studies at the American Foreign Policy Council (AFPC) in Washington, DC.）

Iginio Gagliardone（British Academy Research Fellow and a member of the Programme in Comparative Media Law and Policy at the University of Oxford）

Calestous Juma（Practice of International Development and Director of the Science, Technology, and Globalization Project at Harvard Kennedy School）

Mark Kaigwa（consultant, technologist and blogger based in Nairobi, Kenya and a recognized leader in Africa’s emerging media industry）

Giles Mohan（Open University）

Barry Sautman（Hong Kong University of Science & Technology）

Ian Taylor（International Relations and African Politics at St Andrews and also Chair Professor in the School of International Studies, Renmin University of China）

Yu-Shan Wu（South African Institute of International Affairs, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg）

来源：Rowman & Littlefield Publishers

发表时间：2015

China’s Relations with Africa: A New Era of Strategic Engagement

相关内容：非洲国家并非棋盘上的被动棋子。非洲政客和官僚采取“选购”策略（Shopping around），极其聪明地利用中国、西方（美欧）、俄罗斯、土耳其以及海湾国家的竞争，来为自己争取最大的经济援助和安全筹码。许多非洲执政党将中国援建的“形象工程”（大型体育场、总统府、新铁路）作为国内选举的重要政绩展示。当债务压力上升时，如赞比亚、埃塞俄比亚等国表现出强大的与中方协商债务展期、结构重组乃至减免债务的议价能力，逼迫中国金融机构不断调整对非放贷策略。

作者：David H. Shinn（美国）（teaches African studies at the Elliott School of International Affairs at the George Washington University and is a nonresident scholar at the Middle East Institute. He served in the U.S. Foreign Service for thirty-seven years, including as ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.）

Joshua Eisenman（美国）（associate professor of politics at the Keough School of Global Affairs at the University of Notre Dame and senior fellow in China studies at the American Foreign Policy Council）

来源：Columbia University Press

发表时间：2023年

Emerging Southern powers and new forms of South–South cooperation: Ethiopia’s strategic engagement with China and India

摘要：This article critically examines Ethiopia’s engagement with China and India. Despite being a non-oil exporting country, Ethiopia has become one of the fastest growing economies in Africa and, over the past decade, millions of people have been lifted out of poverty. Part of Ethiopia’s success has been the ability of the developmental state to harness its relationship with the new as well as the traditional development partners strategically, to unleash the country’s productive potential while maintaining national policy space. Ethiopia’s pragmatic ‘economic diplomacy’ arose from the desire of the liberation movements that formed the umbrella Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to fundamentally transform all aspects of Ethiopian society and to break out of poverty, which the EPRDF considers a ‘national shame’ and a handicap to the country’s ability to define foreign and development policies independently. The Ethiopian experience challenges the school of thought that equates the rise of emerging powers in Africa with a new form of ‘colonialism’, disregarding African agency to transform these relationship into ‘win-win’ partnerships.

主要观点：本文以埃塞俄比亚为核心案例，反驳了国际学界普遍将新兴南方大国（中国、印度）在非活动简单等同于“掠夺资源”或“输出新殖民主义”的论调。作者论证指出，埃塞俄比亚这一非资源富集国之所以能深度吸引中国投资，关键在于埃塞政府展现出了极强的战略自主性与务实经济外交。埃塞俄比亚通过强有力的发展型国家规划，主动引导中国对制造业、工业园区和重大基建的投入，使外部合作服务于国内的五年发展计划。

作者：Fantu Cheru（African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands）

来源：Third World Quarterly

发表时间：2016年

Catalysing China–Africa Ties for Africa’s Structural Transformation：Lessons from Ethiopia

摘要：Economic cooperation between China and Africa has deepened in scope and scale in recent times, and FOCAC has emerged as the largest South–South economic partnership platform. However, evidence suggests that the catalytic effect of China–Africa engagement on the economic transformation of African countries has been uneven, primarily shaped by the strategic response of the respective African countries. This chapter proposes that China–Africa economic ties should be examined from a structural transformation perspective to adequately evaluate the catalytic effect of Chinese engagement on the economic growth and diversification of African economies, the development of domestic capabilities, and lastly on Africa’s successful insertion into the globalized economy of the twenty-first century. Based on the experience of Ethiopia, the chapter unpacks the pathways to structural transformation in the African context, and the role of the state in guiding the economy through a proactive and strategic approach to economic transformation. The chapter concludes with pathways to the future.

主要观点：埃塞俄比亚通过发挥“非洲能动性”，战略性地利用与中国的关系来推动本国的工业化和结构性转型。中非关系的成果并非注定，而是取决于非洲国家自身的政治领导力、长期发展愿景和制度能力。埃塞俄比亚的经验表明，一个拥有清晰发展蓝图和强大执行力的政府，能够将中国作为战略伙伴，从而获得更大的政策空间来实施符合本国国情的“发展型国家”模式。在贸易方面，尽管中国是埃塞俄比亚第二大贸易伙伴，但双边贸易存在巨大逆差，埃塞俄比亚主要向中国出口芝麻等初级农产品，而从中国进口大量制成品和机械设备。在投资领域，中国是埃塞俄比亚制造业最大的外国投资者之一，在2000至2017年间建立了数百家制造企业，并创造了大量就业，这也有力反驳了所谓中国在埃塞俄比亚进行大规模“土地掠夺”的说法。在基础设施建设方面，中国企业深度参与了埃塞俄比亚的电力、交通和电信等关键项目，这些项目多由中国提供的优惠或商业贷款支持，或是埃塞俄比亚政府利用国际金融机构贷款通过竞标由中国企业承建。埃塞俄比亚能够成功利用中国机遇的原有有五点：拥有清晰的长期发展愿景、坚定的政治领导力、优先投资基础设施、务实的“干中学”模仿策略以及灵活的政策。然而，当前合作中存在的挑战，包括持续的贸易失衡、日益沉重的债务负担、有限的技术转移以及双方认知上的差距。最后，作者强调，非洲国家不能被动等待，而必须主动制定符合自身国情的战略，从全球规则的“被动旁观者”转变为“积极参与者”，通过“学习”而非“复制”中国经验，来塑造自己的发展未来。

作者：Fantu Cheru（伦敦大学亚非学院（SOAS, University of London）） and Arkebe Oqubay（埃塞俄比亚总理部长（Minister）兼总理特别顾问）

来源：这本书是中非关系与经济转型/China-Africa and an Economic Transformation一书的一个章节，该书的编者是[埃塞俄比亚]阿尔卡贝·奥克贝（Arkebe Oqubay，埃塞俄比亚总理部长兼总理特别顾问），林毅夫（北京大学南南合作研究院）

发表时间：2019由Oxford University Press出版，2023年由北京大学出版社出版翻译版本

IN THE DRIVER’S SEAT? AFRICAN AGENCY AND CHINESE POWER AT FOCAC,THE AU AND THE BRI

摘要：

While Africa’s partnership with China has undeniably led to a jump in trade and investment, especially over the past two decades, many on the continent remain concerned about the relationship’s lack of equality. This issue is particularly striking during the triennial Forum on China–Africa Cooperation summit, when dozens of African leaders gather to meet a single Chinese counterpart. Calls for bolstering African decision-making power in interactions with China are common in the China–Africa space. This paper argues that for Africa to increase its agency – that is, its ability to make independent decisions and strengthen its bargaining power – the continent first needs to unpack the nature of African decision-making in the China–Africa relationship.What does agency mean in this relationship, and how can Africa improve its bargaining position in relation to China? This paper explores these questions by thinking through how African agency has been conceptualised in the past, and comparing those ideas of agency with two real-world case studies:China’s relationship with the AU, and Africa’s relationship with China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

尽管非洲与中国的合作在过去二十年里无疑带来了贸易和投资的激增，但非洲大陆仍有许多人对双方关系中缺乏平等感到担忧。在中非合作论坛（FOCAC）三年一度的峰会上，这种不平等尤为明显——数十位非洲领导人齐聚一堂，只为会见一位中国领导人。在中非交往中，呼吁增强非洲决策权的呼声十分普遍。本文认为，非洲若想提升自身的“能动性”（即独立决策的能力并强化谈判地位），首先需要深入剖析中非关系中非洲决策机制的本质。在这种关系中，“能动性”究竟意味着什么？非洲又该如何改善其对华谈判地位？为了探讨这些问题，本文回顾了以往对“非洲能动性”的概念界定，并将其与两个现实案例进行了对比分析：一是中国与非盟（AU）的关系，二是非洲与中国“一带一路”倡议的互动。

主要观点：这篇论文围绕”非洲在中非关系中是否具有能动性”这一核心问题展开，认为尽管中非合作推动了贸易投资增长，但非洲对双方关系缺乏平等的担忧始终存在；作者提出，非洲要提升自身的能动性（即独立决策与强化谈判地位的能力），不能笼统地将非洲视为单一行为体，而需深入分析能动性在不同层面（国家政府、制度精英、公民社会等）的具体表现，并通过中国与非盟（AU）的关系以及非洲与中国”一带一路”倡议（BRI）两个案例研究发现：非洲的能动性既具有建设性（如推动非盟改革、签署非洲大陆自贸区协议、在安全与环境议题上促使中国回应非洲关切），也具有破坏性（如精英借合作巩固权力、债务压力制约自主性），因此非洲需通过深化内部一体化和多元化合作渠道来增强其建设性的议程设定能力，而非简单地将中非关系简化为被动接受或”反华”叙事。

作者：COBUS VAN STADEN, CHRIS ALDEN & YU-SHAN WU（South African Institute Of International Affairs）

发表时间：SEPTEMBER，2018

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Where does Africa fit?

主要观点：”一带一路”峰会标志着中国以实质性行动推动全球化，其独特之处在于高层背书与庞大资金承诺；对非洲而言，”一带一路”与《议程2063》高度契合，可成为FOCAC的补充，但非洲需在国家层面确保安全和投资环境，并主动在国家级、大陆级和全球级倡议之间建立联系，以谈判能力最大化自身利益。

作者：

Chris Alden（ a Professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics (LSE), the Director of LSE Ideas and a Senior Research Affiliate with SAIIA）
Elizabeth Sidiropoulos（the Chief Executive of SAIIA）
Yu-Shan Wu（a Research Associate at SAIIA）

发表时间：2017年

来源：The Conversation Africa

The AU’s Hedging Strategy: Navigating U.S.-China Competition through Agenda 2063

摘要：This study examines the African Union’s (AU) strategic navigation of intensifying geostrategic competition between the United States and China, employing neoclassical realism to analyse how systemic pressures are mediated through continental ambitions embodied in Agenda 2063. Utilising a qualitative narrative analysis of peer-reviewed scholarship and institutional documents from 2024, this research examines the AU’s hedging strategy as it navigates concurrent engagement with both great powers while prioritising the protection of African agency and developmental objectives. The findings reveal that the AU has evolved from a reactive to a proactive strategic actor, deploying Agenda 2063 as an evaluative filter that conditions external partnerships—whether China’s Belt and Road Initiative or United States trade agreements—against continental benchmarks for infrastructure development, economic integration, and sustainable growth. However, the effectiveness of this hedging strategy is significantly constrained by intra-African divisions, as divergent bilateral relations among member states with external powers undermine continental coherence and bargaining leverage. The study concludes that neoclassical realism offers superior explanatory power over structural theories by accounting for how unit-level factors—particularly Agenda 2063’s normative framework—shape foreign policy outcomes. The study makes a dual contribution: theoretically, by extending neoclassical realism to account for regional organisational behaviour, and empirically, by conceptualising Agenda 2063 as an operational foreign policy instrument that dictates the evaluation of strategic partnerships. Methodological limitations include reliance on secondary sources and the absence of primary data from AU decision-makers. For policymakers, the findings underscore that enhancing the AU’s strategic autonomy requires operationalising Agenda 2063 as a transparent partnership evaluation mechanism, accelerating African Continental Free Trade Area implementation to consolidate bargaining power, and harmonising member states’ bilateral engagements to present a unified continental front in great power negotiations.

主要观点：非盟已从被动的应对者转变为主动的战略行为体，将《2063年议程》作为评估过滤器，以非洲大陆在基础设施建设、经济一体化和可持续增长方面的基准，来衡量外部合作伙伴关系（无论是中国的“一带一路”倡议还是美国的贸易协定）。然而，这一对冲战略的有效性受到非洲内部分歧的严重制约，因为成员国与外部大国之间不同的双边关系削弱了非洲大陆的整体一致性和议价能力。 新古典现实主义理论通过考量单元层面的因素（尤其是《2063年议程》的规范性框架）如何塑造外交政策结果，提供了比结构主义理论更强的解释力。本研究做出了双重贡献：在理论上，将新古典现实主义拓展至解释区域组织的行为；在实证上，将《2063年议程》概念化为一种决定战略伙伴关系评估标准的操作性外交政策工具。

作者：Said Abubakar（Mogadishu University）

发表时间：2026年

来源：Jornal of African Union Studies

 

非盟2063年议程链接

非盟2063年议程框架文件

非盟2063年议程第一个十年行动计划

非盟2063年议程第二个十年行动计划